The Battle of Castle Square

by Colin Nosworthy

"A friend from the north of England said to me recently that the Welsh and Scots were lucky to have these available national self-definitions, to help them find their way out of the dominance of English ruling-class minority culture.

“In the north, he said, we who are English are in the same sense denied; what the world knows as English is not our life and feelings; and yet we don't, like the Welsh and Scots, have this simple thing, this national difference, to pit against it. Then you might get through, quicker, to the real differences, the real conflicts.

“ I still don't agree, altogether, but it’s how we might look at it."

Raymond Williams, "Welsh Culture", 1975, Resources of Hope, p104

Anti-immigration is the new racism. Islamophobia, acceptable prejudice. Switzerland’s ban on Mosque minarets, the new segregation. This isn't the world we want to live in. This year, an institution that should be widely respected provided a platform for a fascist. Thugs gathered on the streets of two cities and one town in Wales, with the aim of intimidating minorities. Young Asian men took to the streets just to defend their right to live in Newport. Yet, more and more people repeat almost unquestioningly a received orthodoxy that scapegoats immigrants and Muslims and blames them for their economic plight and the ills of the world.

Raymond Williams was right more often than not. In 1975, he pointed to a sore at the heart of politics in the nations of Britain which helped the BNP in 2009. It is not just economic circumstances that help fascism look attractive. It's also about identity. Mark Perryman makes the point that English culture, with elements of anti-Welsh and anti-Scottish feeling, is not something we can or should ignore. It’s not the whole explanation. Its not even the main part of the answer, but it is a factor and one the anti-fascist left has found difficult to acknowledge, let alone address. On this analysis it’s no coincidence that BNP MEPs were elected to regions in North England. Yes, they also have a London Assembly Member, but one factor playing into their favour at the European elections was a Westminster system out-of-touch with the rest of England.

The situation is different in Wales and Scotland, something even more true since those comments in 1975. At the moment, the BNP have no elected politicians here. That’s not something we should take pride, hope or satisfaction from, but it should inform our response to the threat. Fascism is not a problem unique to England, but we should understand that class, nationality and geography are related to the problem. It’s not up to us to lecture our neighbours, but they should listen to Raymond Williams’ words. Perhaps it’s only those on the outside that can see clearly.

The potential for this rise in fascism is frightening, perhaps more so for the new generation of adults who were not around in the 1970s and so have never experienced it before. For us, concrete questions of equality and racism have seemed distant, theoretical. It hasn’t been distant for minorities of course: the rising tide of anti-immigration hysteria and Islamophobia, fuelled by a reckless media, leaves many intimidated in their own communities. And of course, it isn't anything new.

The events of the past few months have been a nightmarish epiphany for a whole generation of people who thought these were battles fought and won decades ago. The anti-fascist counter-protest in Swansea would have been a new experience for the majority there. It challenged so many stereotypes, so much received wisdom. First of all, our group was extremely young, which shows that those who say young people don’t care about politics are talking rubbish. It’s true that many aren’t inspired by the system we have now. But they know it could be much worse, and thats why they were there. There was good representation from the socialist parties, Plaid Cymru, Green Party, Labour, Communists, and Anarchists. They were joined by unions like the PCS, NAPO as well as NUS Wales. Assembly Members Huw Lewis, Leanne Wood, Bethan Jenkins and Andrew Davies were there as well as Siân James MP. We gathered in Castle Square in the centre of Swansea where the EDL had organised to be.

Ours was a deliberate attempt to prevent the fascists protest taking place. We suspected a few fascist ‘spotters’ were mixed in with us, and this was confirmed later when I saw my picture on Redwatch. After about three hours the word spread that they had arrived. We rushed to the police lines on the road above the square. Anti-fascists started shouting at the drunk, nazi-saluting EDL protestors who had tried to march on the square. Around 50 of them were pinned against a wall by hundreds of police, then there was a stand-off for half-an-hour, which ended with a chant of “bye, bye, bye” from us as the police led them away. The ‘victory’ was euphoric. Drums played and kids danced. A success? No, I'm afraid not. When I saw the TV coverage I realised the fascists had won a partial victory.

The depressing facts were these. They got coverage; we looked as though we were on their level and spoiling for a fight. But the protests did succeed in exposing two myths perpetuated by the EDL/BNP: firstly they claim there is a ‘Welsh Defence League’ – in Swansea, Newport, and I’m told from reports in Wrexham, there was a very low or no Welsh presence in the fascist marches. In Wrexham, the majority of the EDL protestors came from Bolton. In Newport, they didn’t show. In Swansea, of the 50 present, only 15 or so were local. This is not a source of satisfaction, but it does show that they are not a Welsh organisation. Second, they claim to be separate from the BNP: that’s not true, the EDL stayed with a senior BNP activist ahead of their protest in Swansea and BNP members attended the protest to look on in support of the EDL.

The English Defence League has the potential to be the BNP’s street-fighting wing. They are strong-armed hooligans, an advance guard, and if they hadn’t been challenged, they would have attacked mosques and Muslims in Swansea, Newport and Wrexham. We didn't let that happen. But the threat has not gone away.

- Colin Nosworthy works as a Communications Officer for Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg and is Plaid Cymru's candidate in Brecon and Radnorshire.